Key Facts
- ANC came to power
- 1994
- CNDD-FDD came to power
- 2005
- CNDD-FDD share of National Assembly seats
- 96.5%
- CNDD-FDD founded as party
- January 2005
- Province reduction in Burundi
- 2023
- GEAR plan adopted
- 1996
Background
South Africa and Burundi have faced what analysts call 'the Cross and the Banner' since colonial encounters. In South Africa, this began in the 17th century with Dutch settlers and the Dutch Reformed Church from 1652, followed by British rule from 1814 and various Protestant and Catholic missions. In Burundi, it began in the late 19th century with the Vatican, France, England, Germany, Belgium after 1916, and the United States after 1945.
Before colonization, political organization in South Africa was exercised through lineage chiefs. The modern party system was introduced with the Union of South Africa in 1910. The South African Native National Congress (SANNC) was founded on January 8, 1912, in Bloemfontein, later renamed the African National Congress (ANC) in 1923. In Burundi, political alliances were built through miryango (lineages) before a Belgian colonial decree of December 25, 1959, imposed the party form. The CNDD was born in 1994 during the civil war, with its military wing FDD formed in 1993–1994, and the movement became the CNDD-FDD party in January 2005.
Current Situation
The ANC came to power in South Africa in 1994, and the CNDD-FDD in Burundi in 2005. Both initiated reforms: the ANC abolished apartheid laws, promoted a 'Rainbow Nation,' and adopted the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) in 1994, linked to the 1955 Freedom Charter. Its 1996 constitution is considered progressive. However, its neoliberal economic turn (GEAR plan, 1996) was seen by some as a concession to international financial institutions. The CNDD-FDD developed a societal project in the COPEP document of July 2001, aiming for decentralized and participatory democracy, and later implemented 'Vision 2040–2060.'
Despite rhetoric of rupture, both parties preserved fundamental colonial structures. The ANC maintained the centralized administration of apartheid; the CNDD-FDD reinforced centralism by reducing the number of provinces in 2023. Both adopted capitalist market economies. In South Africa, a 'racial ontology' persists in economic structures. In Burundi, the market economy replaced the traditional Ubumu system, and social inequalities remain. Epistemic coloniality persists in education and knowledge production in both countries.
| Event | Date |
|---|---|
| SANNC founded | January 8, 1912 |
| ANC renamed | 1923 |
| Belgian colonial decree | December 25, 1959 |
| CNDD born | 1994 |
| FDD formed | 1993–1994 |
| CNDD/FDD renamed | 1998 |
| CNDD-FDD became legal party | January 2005 |
| ANC came to power | 1994 |
| CNDD-FDD came to power | 2005 |
| GEAR plan | 1996 |
| Province reduction | 2023 |
Impacts
The handling of ethnic and racial questions illustrates a paradoxical appropriation of colonial legacy. The ANC implemented affirmative action policies, which some view as merely 'deracialization of the elite.' The CNDD-FDD criticized the Arusha Accords' Hutu-Tutsi quotas as externally imposed 'ethnicization,' but once in power never called these quotas into question, according to the analysis.
The gap between discourse and governance is another indicator. The ANC has been criticized for systemic corruption under President Jacob Zuma ('state capture') and centralization of power. The CNDD-FDD, after promising decentralized governance, established a one-party regime, controlling 96.5% of seats in the National Assembly, eliminating parliamentary opposition. This suggests 'decolonization' was not a transformation of institutions but a takeover of the inherited state.
Future Outlook
Scenario analysis: The possibilities below are not certain predictions.
The experience of the ANC and CNDD-FDD shows that former liberation movements coming to power does not guarantee full emancipation from coloniality. Formal ruptures are real, but structural continuities persist. The challenge for these countries may be to rethink decolonization as a deep process of reclaiming knowledge, institutions, and economies.
If they pursue an 'epistemic Bandung'—reconnection and solidarity among Global South peoples—they could produce knowledge and futures less dependent on the Western center. If they embrace Afrofuturism, reclaiming history and tradition, they might invent new models of society. However, if current trends continue, coloniality may persist, and relations of domination may remain unchallenged.
Source: burundi-agnews.org
